Thought Leadership

College of Law Adds Alumni from Sidley Austin LLP, Starbucks, and Wiley Rein LLP to its Board of Advisors

Kenneth W. Irvin L’92, Zabrina Jenkins G’97, L’00, and The Hon. Nazakhtar (Nazak) Nikakhtar G’02, L’02
Kenneth W. Irvin L’92, Zabrina Jenkins G’97, L’00, and The Hon. Nazakhtar (Nazak) Nikakhtar G’02, L’02

Syracuse University College of Law has added Kenneth W. Irvin L’92, Partner, Energy, M&A, Securities Enforcement and Regulatory at Sidley Austin LLP; the Hon. Nazakhtar (Nazak) Nikakhtar G’02. L’02, Partner, Chair, National Security Practice and Co-Chair, Committee on Foreign Investment in the U.S. at Wiley Rein LLP; and Zabrina M. Jenkins G’97, L’00, Executive Advisor to the Office of the CEO at Starbucks to its Board of Advisors.

“As the legal world evolves at an unprecedented pace, we need the diverse expertise that Ken, Nazak, and Zabrina bring to the Board to help lead our College and students into the future,” says Acting Dean Keith J. Bybee, Paul E. and Hon. Joanne F. Alper ’72 Judiciary Studies Professor.

“I would like to welcome Ken, Nazak, and Zabrina to the Board of Advisors,” says College of Law Board of Advisors Chair Melanie Gray L’81. “These impressive alumni bring extensive experiences from law firms, government, and consumer businesses to the Board that will benefit our students and College as we deliver a legal education for today’s ever-changing world.”

Kenneth W. Irvin L’92 is a co-leader of Sidley’s global Energy practice area team, and represents clients on a variety of regulatory, enforcement, compliance, and transactional matters involving the U.S. wholesale electricity and natural gas markets, as well as with respect to the energy transition. Irvin has extensive experience representing clients in regulatory and investigations proceedings before the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and multiple state energy regulatory agencies, which includes handling FERC enforcement matters and self-reports. Irvin graduated from the College of Law, magna cum laude in 1992 and from Clarkson University with a B.S. in Electrical Engineering in 1987.

The Hon. Nazakhtar (Nazak) Nikakhtar G’02, L’02 is an international trade and national security attorney at Wiley Rein LLP where she is the Chair of Wiley’s national security practice and Co-Chair of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the U. S. practice. From 2018 to 2021, with unanimous confirmation by the U.S. Senate, Nikakhtar served as the Department of Commerce’s Assistant Secretary for Industry & Analysis at the International Trade Administration. She also fulfilled the duties of the Under Secretary for Industry and Security at Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security. Nikakhtar earned Juris Doctor and Master of Economics degrees from Syracuse University, where she served as Editor-in-Chief of the Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, and a B. A. degree from the University of California, Los Angeles.

Zabrina Jenkins G’97, L’00 is executive advisor to the Office of the Chief Executive Officer of Starbucks. She is a member of CEO Laxman Narasimhan’s extended executive leadership team providing strategic counsel and support in several key areas including corporate strategy, public affairs, talent development, inclusion and diversity, and legal and stakeholder engagement. Previously, she was acting executive vice president and general counsel for Starbucks, leading legal and regulatory affairs, global security, and ethics and compliance for the company. Additionally, Jenkins serves as an executive champion to the Starbucks Black Partner Network and an advisor to the diversity committee for the Law & Corporate Affairs department. Zabrina received a B. S. in business administration from Central Washington University, an M. S. from Syracuse University School of Education, and a J. D. cum laude from Syracuse University College of Law.

Professor Gregory Germain Provides Tips for First-Time Credit Cards and Online Personal Loans at Moneygeek

At Moneygeek, Professor Gregory Germain provides tips and answers questions about getting a first credit card and securing a personal loan from an online-only bank.

In the credit card article, he notes that “getting a credit card as a young person can be especially difficult. The Federal “CARD” Act of 2009 prohibits anyone under the age of 21 from obtaining a credit card without either a responsible co-signor (normally a parent) who guarantees payment or the “submission of an application, indicating independent means of repaying any obligation arising from the proposed extension of credit.” See CARD Act amendments to 15 U.S.C. § 1637(8). So, if you’re under 21 without a full-time job, you will probably need a co-signor parent to obtain a credit card.”

His advice for assessing the credibility of online-only lenders includes “you need to be sure you are giving your personal information to a genuine lender and not a scam artist when you are applying for a loan. There are lots of scam artists out there trying to get your personal information so that they can steal money from your bank accounts or your identity. So, you need to verify that the person you are dealing with is really the lender before giving them any of your personal information.”

Professor Emerita Arlene Kanter Visits Berlin as a Guest of the U.S. Embassy to Discuss Disability Law and Policy

Professor Emerita Arlene Kanter recently spent a week in Berlin meeting with government officials and disability organizations to promote the development of disability laws and policies in Germany. Kanter’s visit was sponsored by the U.S. Department of State.

Kanter met with U.S. Embassy Deputy Chief of Mission Clark Price, Federal Government Commissioner for the Affairs of People with Disabilities Jürgen Dusel, and MdB Heike Heubach, the first Deaf member of the German Parliament, to discuss eliminating barriers that prevent disabled children and adults from participating in German society.

Kanter also visited the T4-Memorial to honor the victims of the Holocaust who were murdered by the Nazis because of their disability.

A roundtable discussion with over 50 representatives from local disability organizations as well as a separate roundtable with Embassy staff sparked lively conversations about access to higher education, discrimination in the workplace, efforts to combat violence against women with disabilities, the need for community-based alternatives to institutions,  as well as how to develop laws and policies to conform to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which Germany ratified in 2009.

“Germany has made significant progress since it ratified the CRPD, by adopting new disability-related laws and policies. But more work needs to be done to implement these laws, especially in the areas of accessibility of private facilities, education, and workplace accommodations.  As one who helped to draft the CRPD, it is meaningful for me to see this critical work of promoting greater disability inclusion being embraced by leaders within and outside the government of Germany,” says Kanter.

Professor Shubha Ghosh Contributes “The DOJ Shouldn’t Re-write Antitrust Law Out of AI Fears” at Legal Dive

Professor Shubha Ghosh, director of the Syracuse Intellectual Property Law Institute, has contributed the opinion article “The DOJ Shouldn’t Re-write Antitrust Law Out of AI Fears” at Legal Dive. The article examines antitrust law history and basis and how current DOJ investigations could limit innovation.

Ghosh discusses how the DOJ seems to believe that AI services, which are now used in about every sector of the economy, could coordinate collusive, anti-competitive behavior in violation of the nation’s antitrust laws.

In summary, Ghosh says “An agreement to fix price requires the meeting of human minds intending to act anticompetitively. Artificial intelligence and algorithms cannot enter into any such agreement or form such intent.”

International Law Under Pressure

Professor True-Frost walks and talks with a student in a bright hallway

Written by:
Professor Cora True-Frost G’01, L’01
Bond, Shoeneck & King Distinguished Professor
Laura J. and L. Douglas Meredith Professor for Teaching Excellence, 2024-2027

International law sets the ground rules for state collaboration and conflict resolution. In the tumultuous times in which we are living, the processes for establishing and enforcing those rules are under pressure. It’s an increasingly multipolar global environment, in which strong countries take action in the absence of a clear international leader; uncertainty, not order, increasingly reigns.

With its five permanent, veto-wielding members, the United Nations Security Council (SC or Council) sits at the apex of international power.1 It is the sole UN organ mandated to take decisive and legally binding international-level enforcement action with the aim of avoiding conflict and maintaining international peace and security.2 For some time now, the SC has mostly been unable and unwilling to respond to multiple threats to international peace and security. These threats include global problems such as COVID-19, climate change, cyberwarfare, and interstate conflicts, all of which certainly require interstate comity and global solutions based on international law. This short piece offers an overview of three recent developments at the SC contributing to its inaction as well as a number of innovative attempts by the United Nations General Assembly (GA or Assembly) to address gaps left by SC inaction. It closes by reflecting on of the assertion of UN Secretary-General Guterres that if institutions don’t reflect the world as it is, “it is reform or rupture.”3

The UN Charter

The UN Charter-based international order created after World War II is a forum in which states convene and collaborate to maintain peace; fight and prevent terrorism; pursue sustainable development goals; address climate change; terrorism; and emerging issues. Although this order is far from perfect, since the end of the Cold War, states were willing to collaborate sufficiently that the period saw an increase in aggregate wealth and a gradual
slowing of civilian deaths globally.4

More recently, UN-led efforts to maintain international law and peace have been stymied, as states resort not only to violence in violation of international law, but also employing “economic statecraft” against each other through tariffs, sanctions, and withdrawal of loans.5

Permanent, veto-holding members of the SC (the P5), especially the United States, Russia, and China, are again embroiled in deep contests and competing narratives of world order, far more reminiscent of darker Cold War days. In this precarious multilateral environment, with the U.S. in a weakened position after its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, deep distrust and divisions among the P5 rankle and veto use again becomes the norm, even as the Council has faced, in 2023 alone, the significant escalation of conflict in the Middle East, the impacts of the continued Russian offensive in Ukraine, and multiple continuing conflicts in seven countries on its agenda as well as flareups with missile launches in North Korea and crises in Azerbaijan and Armenia.6 Specifically, three recent trends in the Council have affected its ability to function: 1) the use of the veto to prevent action in Syria, Ukraine, and the Middle East, and to stop existing interventions; 2) Chinese and Russian objections to seemingly trivial procedural working methods, and 3) backlash in the area of peacekeeping and sanctions by host countries with support from permanent members of the SC.7 In 2023, Mali and Sudan, peacekeeping mission host governments, abruptly fired two established UN peace operations, requiring the SC to draw down the missions rapidly.8 In addition, Russia used its veto to block the continuation of an existing sanctions regime in Mali and the continuation of the 2014 aid delivery mechanism for Syria.9 With tensions high, every Council action is contested, for example, Russia objects to procedures such as a video appearance to the Council, or China objects to a meeting format, which has been wellestablished.10

At present there is no viable global alternative to replace the SC, despite the existence of regional and sub-regional organizations, which are assuming increasing roles. Bodies, like the G7, G20, or OAS, might manage internal security relations of their clubs but do not bring all parties to the table, making them insufficient substitutes for the SC.

Enter the UN General Assembly

In light of the Council’s intransigence, GA members have been working in at least four ways to overcome SC inaction. The GA, the UN’s most representative organ, lacks the power to authorize the use of military power or bind member states. It holds the power of the purse, however, and its efforts to exert “soft” power over the SC can be effective. I outline here a few ways the GA is working, 1) collaborating with SC members in the face of veto use; 2) adopting the “Veto initiative”; 3) establishing an Accountability, Coherence, and Transparency group; and finally, 4) exploring possibilities for SC reform.

When Russia used its veto to block SC inaction in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine, the GA collaborated with SC members supporting action. The SC used the 1950 Uniting for Peace Formula, which had been unused for forty years, to send the issue of Ukraine to the GA. The GA was able to adopt a resolution condemning Russia’s aggression in an emergency special session of the GA, marking Russian aggression as a significant violation of international laws.11

In a perhaps more lasting, procedural action, because of the Ukraine gridlock, on 26 April 2022, Liechtenstein pushed forth “The Veto Initiative.” 12 The initiative requires the president of the GA to convene a meeting within ten working days of the casting of a veto by one or more permanent members of the SC to hold a GA debate on the situation as to which the veto was cast, provided that the Assembly does not meet in an emergency special session on the same situation; and it “invites” the Council to submit a report on its use of the veto 72 hours before the relevant discussion. In at least one case, a vetoing state provided its explanation to the GA before it convened in association with this resolution. In May the U.S. explained 13 its 16 April veto of Palestinian statehood to the GA which was meeting14 according to this veto initiative.

In a further effort to promote appropriate action from the SC some GA members have also established the Accountability, Coherence, Transparency Group (ACT)15 which aims to promote a transparent, efficient UN, and seeks greater inclusivity and wider membership in the Council. In 2015, the ACT group created a Code of Conduct with which, as of May 2023, 129 GA states have agreed.16 The Code affirms that states elected to the SC will act to discharge SC membership according to terms of the Charter and not their individual state interest in cases of genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes.17 This was a France/Mexico initiative to model the behavior sought from all SC members. Many incoming Council members including Greece, Panama, and Somalia, have signed the code of conduct regarding SC action against genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes.

Finally, the GA is also continuing to pursue the difficult prospect of SC reform, specifically by exploring proposals for broadening the Council, which ultimately the SC must approve.18 In this regard, it is notable that in 2023, the US President was one of at least ten world leaders gathering at the GA, to call for SC reform.19

There is no shortage of situations that the world’s UN Charter was designed to address, and which will go unaddressed unless efforts like these succeed in uprooting the SC’s current dysfunction. With persistent self-interest among the permanent members of the SC, a worry in international law is that we may face not only the ravages of escalating conflicts but also the decline or collapse of the SC and the United Nations order, with no available, realistic substitute.


1 See, Cora True-Frost, The Security Council and Norm
Consumption
, 40 N.Y.U. J. INT’L L. & POL. 115, at 129-44,
174-81 (2007). The author thanks Nik Merz and Lauren
Marsh for excellent research assistance.

2 U.N. Charter art. 42, ¶ 1.

3 António Guterres, Secretary-General, General Assembly,
Secretary-General’s address to the General Assembly (Sept.
19, 2023) (transcript available online at https://www.
un.org/sg/en/content/sg/speeches/2023-09-19/secretarygenerals-
address-the-general-assembly
). Secretary-
General Urges Statesmanship, Not Gamesmanship and
Gridlock’ to Resolve Global Challenges, Geopolitical
Tensions, Opening Annual General Assembly Debate,

UN Meetings Coverage and Press Releases
(Sept. 19, 2023),https://press.un.org/en/2023/
ga12530.doc.htm#:~:text=%E2%80%9CWe%20
cannot%20effectively%20address%20problems,or%2
rupture%2C%E2%80%9D%20he%20underscored.

4 See, John Toye & Richard Toey, The UN and Global
Economy: Trade, Finance, and Development passim
(United Nations Intellectual History Project ed., 2004);
Joelle Hageboutros, The Evolving Role of the Security
Council in the Post-Cold War Period
, 1 Swarthmore Int’l
Rel. J. 10, 14-17 (2016).

5 See, Sören Scholvin & Mikael Wigell, Geo-economic
Power Politics: An Introduction
, in GEO-ECONOMICS
AND POWER POLITICS IN THE 21ST CENTURY: THE
REVIVAL OFECONOMIC STATECRAFT 1 (Mikael
Wigell, Sören Scholvin & Mika Aaltola eds., 2018); Vinod K.
Aggarwal & Andrew W. Reddie, Economic Statecraft in the
21st Century: Implications for the Future of the Global Trade
Regime
, 20 World Trade Rev. 137 (2021).

6 In Hindsight: The Security Council in 2023, SECURITY
COUNCIL REPORT
(Jan. 1, 2024)
https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/monthly-forecast/
2024-01/in-hindsight-the-security-council-in-2023.php
.

7 Id.

8 Id.

9 Id.

10 Id.

11 The no votes on the resolution came from five
authoritarian nations: North Korea, Eritrea, Syria, Russia,
and Russia’s close ally Belarus. See generally, S.C. Res.
2623 (Feb. 27, 2022); U.N. GAOR, 11th Emergency
Spec. Sess., 5th plen. mtg. at 14, U.N. Doc. A/ES-11/PV.5
(Mar. 2, 2022); G.A. Res. ES-11/1 (Mar. 18, 2022).

12 G.A. Res. 76/163 (Apr. 26, 2022).

13 See, Rep. of the S.C., at 4-5, U.N. Doc. S/PV.9609. See
generally, In Hindsight: Applying to be a Member of the
UN: The Palestinian Case, Security Council Support

(Apr. 30, 2024) https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/
monthly-forecast/2024-05/in-hindsight-applying-to-bea-
member-of-the-un-the-palestinian-case.php
.

14 Meeting Two Weeks after United States Vetoes Security
Council Resolution Recommending Full UN Membership
for Palestine
, General Assembly Debates Ramifications,
UN Meetings Coverage and Press Releases (last visited
Jun. 16, 2024) https://press.un.org/en/2024/ga12595.
doc.htm
.

15 The United Nations Security Council, UN Office on
Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to
Protect, https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/
security-council.shtml
(last visited Jun. 17, 2024).

16 Id.

17 Id.

18 See, G.A. Dec. 62/557, U.N. Doc. A/63/49 (Vol. III), at
106 (Sept. 15, 2008); G.A. Res. 75/1 (Sept. 28, 2020).
See generally, G.A. Res. 76/307, (Sept. 12, 2022).

19 Joseph Biden, Remarks by President Biden Before the
77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
(Sept. 21, 2022) (transcript available online at https://
www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speechesremarks/
2022/09/21/remarks-by-president-bidenbefore-
the-77th-session-of-the-united-nations-generalassembly/
).

Building a Network with Frontline States

Baker on Ukrainian TV

James Baker is a professor of law at Syracuse Law and the director of the Syracuse University Institute for Security Policy and Law (SPL), as well as a professor of public administration at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. He has an extensive resumé in international law and security that includes serving as an infantry officer in the U.S. Marines, as an aide to former Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY), as legal advisor to the National Security Council, and as a chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces.

Since 2020, Baker has been working with groups in Ukraine on issues surrounding cybersecurity and artificial intelligence (AI), but, in fall 2021, his focus shifted to the pending Russian invasion of Ukraine and a series of presentations he collectively called “Everything I Would Want to Know if I Was About to Be Invaded by Russia.” The idea was to share observations from his career that might be helpful to Ukraine in the area of intelligence, intelligence oversight, crisis management, presidential command and control, the law of armed conflict, and war crimes. His presentations were widely attended by academics, lawyers, and officials in the Ukrainian government, including members of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s office.

When the opportunity to visit the University of Bialystok through an Erasmus+ grant (a European Union program to support education, training, youth and sport) came about, Andrew Horsfall, assistant dean of International Programs at Syracuse Law asked Baker if he was willing to travel to Poland at a time when that country was concerned about being next in line to be invaded by Russia. Baker didn’t hesitate, as he has a long-held interest in advising and working with the many frontline states that live in the shadow of Russia.

Baker and Charles Szymanski
Baker (left) and Charles Szymanski.

When the University of Bialystok’s Professor Charles Szymanski heard that Baker was coming to visit, he sought him out. “Jamie impressed me, and we gravitated toward one another in our common interest in international law,” says Szymanski. “Jamie believed that the frontline states that had once been occupied by the Soviet Union were behind in their development of democratic and law-based security structures, particularly now that there was a war going on next door. He wanted to help.” “They don’t have national security law as a discipline in many of the frontline states, yet,” Baker explains, which was also noted on a trip to Tbilisi, Georgia, that Horsfall and he made at the invitation of the Georgian Bar Association. “So, we decided to teach and promote the components of national security law and process as a model that frontline countries can adapt to their own laws.”

Szymanski, who is American-born and married to a Polish attorney, has extensive contacts with universities throughout the frontline states. Those connections combined with Baker’s experience created an opportunity to help frontline states with an initiative called Ring Around Russia (RAR).

Ring Around Russia Brings Network of Frontline Scholars, Universities Together Based on Shared Legal Values

Ring Around Russia (RAR): The Partnership for Law and Policy is an interdisciplinary network of scholars and universities from the U.S., Ukraine, and the frontline states committed to a vision of national security based on shared legal values and a desire to rebut Russian aggression and support European and U.S. security. Both Syracuse Law and the University of Bialystok consider RAR a promising long-term project that has only been made more urgent by Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Szymanski has been a lead at the University of Bialystok for RAR, who has helped Baker to network throughout the region and gain support for the initiative. Baker has traveled to Ukraine, Slovakia, Romania, Moldova, Georgia, Finland, and Estonia to build a network of scholars and to meet with government and military officials. Baker and Szymanski have contributed expertise and information on topics including intelligenånational security process, and anti-corruption, always while helping to articulate why Ukraine matters to NATO’s security and U.S. security.

Szymanski also had the opportunity to travel to Syracuse last summer as part of the Erasmus+ grant, where he met with Baker and other colleagues at Syracuse Law and across the University. Recently, Szymanski also joined the faculty of Syracuse Law teaching online in the JDinteractive program (JDi) from Poland.

“We’ve accomplished a lot by sharing expertise and information, or so we hope. However, the most important thing we may have done is show up. At one leading university in a frontline NATO state, my host exclaimed upon my arrival, ‘You are the first American professor we have seen in 10 years!’” says Baker. “That is the national security reason Andrew’s work and projects like this are important. They help to build the academic and cultural bonds premised on shared values that hold alliances together.”

SPL is in the process of applying for relevant grants to fund these efforts going forward.

The Institute for Security Policy and Law’s Scholarship with Ukraine Furthers Syracuse Law Status

Baker working across the table from a woman on a laptop

Baker’s contributions have only heightened the reputation of Syracuse Law and Syracuse University in the frontline states, as he draws on 20 years in academia and his career in the military, government, and policy globally.

A few of his significant contributions from just the past two years include:

  • Attending the International Academic Forum in Kyiv in April 2024, along with SPL Fellow RJ Naperkowski L’23, which was hosted by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense and the NGO GlobSec on Military Innovations in Contemporary Warfare. Baker and Naperkowski were the only two Americans in attendance and presented a paper, “Mobilizations and Recruitment in Ukraine: Challenges and ChallenSolutions.” This was one of four recent trips for Baker to Ukraine—two others took place in 2023—where he conducted over 100 meetings with ministers, NGOs and collaborating university counterparts on RAR while representing Syracuse Law.
  • Providing a policy report on caring for Ukrainian veterans to the Ukrainian Ministry of Veterans Affairs and the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine in August 2023.
  • Drafting a report, which included a chapter by Assistant Professor Lenny Grant of Syracuse’s College of Arts and Sciences and Naperkowski on treating veterans with PTSD, which was hand delivered to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy last fall.
  • Teaching a seminar, Road to Recovery, in fall 2023, as one of seven international experts—including those from Stanford University, Harvard University, and the University of Notre Dame—at Ukrainian Catholic University.
  • Making over 20 other international presentations in the frontline states and at international symposia on the importance of Ukraine to the rule of law to NATO and U.S. national security, including at King’s College London and the University of Helsinki.

Professor Gregory Germain Writes: What’s Next for the Sackler Family and for Creditors in Other Cases after Supreme Court Eliminates Third Party Releases in Bankruptcy Cases?

In this legal review, Professor Gregory Germain examines the SCOTUS ruling in the case Harrington v. Purdue Pharma, Slip Op (June 27, 2024).

Media wishing to interview Professor Germain on this or related topics should email Rob Conrad, director of communications and media relations or Syracuse University’s media team by email.


The Supreme Court ruled today, as I predicted in my commentary on Law 360, that non-debtor third parties cannot obtain non-consensual discharges or releases as part of a plan of reorganization in another debtor’s bankruptcy case.  Harrington v. Purdue Pharma, Slip Op (June 27, 2024)

Purdue’s bankruptcy plan sought to release the non-debtor Sackler family from $40 trillion (yes trillion) in tort claims by Purdue Pharma’s creditors.  The Sackler family owned and ran Purdue, which manufactured and falsely marketed OxyContin as a safe and non-addictive pain killer.  OxyContin was the main culprit in the opioid epidemic in the United States, which has killed more than 247,000 people from overdose and has ruined millions of lives. 

In return for the release of claims against them, the Sackler family agreed to repay Purdue $5.5 billion over 10 years, plus $500 million in contingent payments – a fraction of the $11 billion that the Sackler family caused Purdue to distribute to them in dividends between 2008 and 2016.  The bankruptcy court found that the Sacklers hid those dividends in offshore trusts, self-settled spendthrift trusts, and other asset protection schemes to make it difficult or impossible for their creditors to collect from them. 

A high percentage of the creditors who voted on Purdue’s plan of reorganization accepted it (between 88% and 95% of each class), but fewer than 20% of claimants voted at all.  The bankruptcy confirmation process only counts those creditors who vote, so non-voters are ignored in the confirmation process. 

The Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit upheld Purdue’s plan and non-debtor release, relying on prior Second Circuit authority recognizing the bankruptcy court’s inherent equitable power to discharge third party claims in extraordinary cases.  Three other circuit courts, the Fifth, Ninth, and Tenth had previously held that bankruptcy courts do not have the power to discharge third party claims.

The statutory debate was framed by two provisions of the Bankruptcy Code:  Section 524(e), providing that a bankruptcy discharge “does not affect the liability of any other entity on, or the property of any other entity for, such debt”, and Section 1123(b)(6), which allows a plan of reorganization to “include any other appropriate provision not inconsistent with the applicable provisions of this title.” 

While I correctly predicted the result, I did not correctly predict the split among the judges.  Gorsuch, Thomas, Alito, Barrett and Jackson made up the majority, barring third party releases as part of the plan without creditor consent.  Gorsuch’s opinion recognizes that the Bankruptcy Court has the power to discharge claims only against the debtor who files bankruptcy and submits their property to the jurisdiction of the court.  Third party releases can be granted only with the creditors’ consent.

In a surprise to me, four judges (Roberts, Sotomayor and Kagan, led by Kavanaugh) dissented.  They thought the vague catchall in Section 1123(b)(6) should give the bankruptcy court the power to confirm a non-debtor release without the consent or participation of the parties whose claims were being released, even if the releases were broader than the third parties could have received if they themselves had filed bankruptcy.

So what happens to Purdue, the Sacklers, and their creditors now, and more importantly, what happens with all of those bankruptcy plans that have previously been confirmed that contain now-illegal provisions releasing claims against third parties?

What Happens Next for the Sacklers?

Assuming that Congress and the President do not step in to pass a law for the Sacklers’ benefit (a scenario that strikes me as nearly impossible), the Sacklers have two options. 

The Doomsday Litigation Scenario

The first possibility is doomsday litigation, where the government and private creditors pursue their claims against the Sacklers and try to reach their assets.  These cases would be very expensive to litigate for both sides, and the outcome would be uncertain for both sides.  In the Sacklers favor, the government failed to address the addiction problems with OxyContin for 20 years, allowing the drug to be sold by prescription to an unwitting public.  The Sacklers have statute of limitations defenses to the many claims, and they have engaged in extensive asset protection planning to shield their money from the claims of creditors in self-settled and foreign trusts that will make recovery for successful plaintiffs difficult. 

The creditors are in three basic groups: 

  • Claims by the Corporate Debtor, Purdue Pharma.

Many claims that could be asserted by creditors of Purdue outside of bankruptcy now belong to the corporate debtor and cannot be brought by creditors, including fraudulent conveyance and other claims against the Sacklers for causing harming Purdue. 

While Purdue has strong substantive fraudulent conveyance claims against the Sacklers for the $11 billion that the Sacklers pulled out of Purdue with knowledge that creditors were likely to come after them,  these claims are subject to strict statutes of limitation –  transfers within two years before bankruptcy under Section 548 claims, and maybe 6 years from the transfer under state law, although delay in discovery of the claims may extend the timing.

And then there is the difficulty of collecting from the Sacklers, who have transferred their money in to spendthrift trusts and other asset protection schemes in the US and abroad.  There is a special 10 year statute of limitations for transfers to self-settled trusts in Section 548(e)(1) of the Bankruptcy Code, but that 10 year period runs from the filing of personal bankruptcy petitions by the Sacklers, not from Purdue’s filing, and the only way to force the Sacklers into bankruptcy would be by filing involuntary bankruptcy petitions.  An involuntary petition would require three creditors holding liquidated undisputed claims (11 U.S.C.§ 303(b)), and to avoid dismissal the petitioning creditors would have to show that the Sacklers were “generally not paying their debts when due.”  11 U.S.C. § 303(h).  Presumably, an involuntary could not be filed by the creditors until they obtained judgments, and the delay in obtaining judgments would reduce the amounts recoverable through the running of the 10-year lookback period.  Collection by Purdue will be difficult.

  • Governmental Consumer Protection Claims. 

The biggest claims are held by the state attorneys general, who have billions or trillions of dollars in claims against the Sacklers under their states’ consumer protection statutes.  These claims pose the most serious threats to the Sacklers.  The government entities could also potentially bring criminal and civil forfeiture claims against the Sacklers in a doomsday litigation scenario.  These claims would be very expensive for the Sacklers to defend and for the states to prove, and would seriously threaten the Sacklers’ peace and security.  They are also subject to many defenses including statutes of limitations and collection problems will also exist, although the potential for prison sentences can often be used to obtain repatriation of funds controlled by the Sacklers.

  • Individual Claims by OxyContin Users and Their Families. 

The individual and family victims’s personal injury and fraud claims, are (as Justice Sotomayor pointed out at the hearing) primarily claims against Purdue, which manufactured and sold the pills.  While these claims are the most sympathetic, they are also the most difficult claims for the individual creditors to fund and win against the Sacklers.  To hold the Sacklers liable as shareholders of Purdue, the creditors will have to pierce the corporate veil, which under the laws of most states requires a two prong showing:  (a) the “alter ego” prong that Purdue did not honor its separate corporate existence, usually by commingling property and failing to follow proper corporate formalities, and (b) thereby committing “fraud and injustice” on the creditors.  The piercing requirement will pose a significant barrier to success for the individual creditors. 

Some of the Sacklers may have committed direct torts by approving or participating in Purdue’s fraudulent representations, but these will not be easy claims to prove.  All of the claims are also subject to statute of limitations defenses.

Finally, even after recovering judgments against the Sacklers on the merits, the creditors would need to break through the asset protection trusts adopted by the Sacklers.  Funds in offshore asset protection trusts cannot be recovered directly because the foreign governments generally will not comply with orders from our courts.  If the trust beneficiaries are physically located in the US, the courts could order them to repatriate their trust funds, hold them in contempt if they do not comply, and put them in jail until they do comply, but only the Sacklers can be shown to have the power to comply with the courts’ orders.  Well drafted offshore protection trusts generally purport to limit the beneficiaries’ control over the funds, so the courts would have to determine whether the beneficiaries have the ability to comply with the orders before holding the beneficiaries in contempt.  Furthermore, the courts may not have jurisdiction over beneficiaries living outside of the US. 

While collecting from the foreign and spendthrift trusts would be difficult, the creditors (especially the governments) would make litigation expensive and miserable for the Sacklers for many years, and could prevent the Sacklers from accessing their money.  The Sacklers were formerly honored members of their communities and would suffer continuing public condemnation and humiliation if the cases are not settled.  If the government creditors are successful, the Sacklers could lose their assets and maybe their freedom. 

An understanding of the legal realities for both sides explains why the Sacklers were willing to pay $5.5 billion for peace, and why the active creditors were willing to accept that amount.  There remains a huge incentive for the parties to reach an agreement to avoid the doomsday scenario of scorched-earth litigation.

The Revised Plan of Reorganization Scenario

The second option is for the parties to return to the bargaining table to negotiate a settlement similar to the one they previously reached, but without attempting to release or discharge the claims of non-consenting creditors. 

The Supreme Court made it clear that parties can consensually release third party claims as part of a bankruptcy plan settlement.  Presumably, the parties who vote in favor of the plan will be bound to its terms, including any release, by consent. 

That leaves three groups:  (1) the few active creditors who explicitly voted against the plan, (2) the large number of creditors (80%) who did not and are likely not to vote at all, and (3) unknown future creditors. 

The plan will not be able to release or discharge the claims of creditors against the Sacklers who vote “no” on the plan.  But they are few in number.  Similarly, unknown creditors cannot consent.  There is a question of whether a guardian could be appointed for unknown creditors who could consent to the plan.  This may be an important consideration in mass tort cases involving large numbers of unknown creditors, but Purdue probably has a good idea who the creditors are since they purchased prescription drugs. 

That leaves the large number of creditors who did not vote.  Does Purdue need the affirmative “opt-in” vote to bind creditors, or can they bind creditors who have the right to but do not “opt out.” 

The US Trustee argued that creditors must specifically “opt in” to the release by voting for the plan or signing a consent.  But I see no reason for that to be true.  Class actions regularly bind creditors who do not “opt out,” and I see no reason that the class action model could not be utilized in a bankruptcy case.  If the plan required creditors to “opt out,” the large number of creditors (maybe 80%) who do not participate would be bound by the release.  That would leave the Sacklers to defend only a small number of committed angry creditors who will likely lack the resources to win their cases and reach the Sacklers’ assets.

The Sacklers’ plan payments could be reduced pro tanto for creditors who are not bound by the plan, leaving those small non-consenting creditors free to bring their claims in state court and try to run the Sacklers’ gauntlet of defenses:  statute of limitations, piercing the veil, proving the merits, and collecting from the trusts.  Without the support of the sophisticated government creditors, the small creditors do not stand much of a chance against the well-funded Sacklers.  

What Happens to Other Plans That Were Previously Confirmed?

Bankruptcy courts have been confirming plans with non-debtor releases for the past 20 years.  We now know, after the Supreme Court’s decision in Purdue, that these plans’ provisions for non-debtor releases were unlawful.  Does that mean that the creditors who did not explicitly consent to the plan can now sue the third parties who were wrongly released in the plan? 

The Court explicitly ducked that question in the majority opinion in Purdue:  “Additionally, because this case involves only a stayed reorganization plan, we do not address whether our reading of the bankruptcy code would justify unwinding reorganization plans that have already become effective and been substantially consummated.”

But the Court has previously addressed a similar issue.  Just because a confirmed plan contains unlawful provisions does not mean that those unlawful provisions are not binding and enforceable.  Indeed, the general rule is that you must appeal an unlawful order or judgment against you, or you are bound by it.  The Supreme Court in a unanimous opinion in United Student Aid Funds, Inc. v. Espinosa, 559 U.S. 260 (2010), held that a confirmed and final Chapter 13 bankruptcy plan, which purported to discharge a federal student loan that was explicitly non-dischargeable under the Bankruptcy Code, was nevertheless enforceable against the creditor who did not appeal from the confirmation order.  The longstanding rule prevents parties from “collaterally-attacking” an order of a court, by challenging the order in a different court, rather than directly appealing the order.

The Court in Espinosa recognized exceptions to the rule of finality if the court lacked jurisdiction to issue the order, or the party seeking to collaterally attack the order did not receive notice and due process.  But absent the court’s lack of jurisdiction to issue the order, or a due process violation, the order is binding unless appealed, and cannot be collaterally attacked, even if the order was wrong. 

Thus, confirmation orders in other cases providing for an illegal release or discharge of third party claims are going to be very difficult to collaterally attack by parties who received notice of, and had the ability to participate in and appeal, the case.  They will likely have to show that the discharge was “jurisdictional,” and not simply a legal error.  Espinosa suggests that granting discharges or releases, which the court has the power to do under certain circumstances (with consent in Purdue or by making a finding of “undue hardship” in Espinosa, is not jurisdictional, and does not render the order subject to collateral attack.

Does Espinosa sanction bad faith conduct by litigants, or by judges seeking to confirm plans, even though they contain known unlawful provisions?  Justice Thomas’s opinion in Espinosa recognized the potential for abuse:  “We acknowledge the potential for bad-faith litigation tactics. . . .  But . . . [a]s we stated inTaylor v  Freeland & Kronz, 503 U. S. 638 (1992), ‘[d]ebtors and their attorneys face penalties under various provisions for engaging in improper conduct in bankruptcy proceedings.’ The specter of such penalties should deter bad-faith attempts to discharge student loan debt without the undue hardship finding Congress required. And to the extent existing sanctions prove inadequate to this task, Congress may enact additional provisions to address the difficulties United predicts will follow our decision.” 

Therefore, I believe that creditors in other cases, who received proper notice and could have objected to and appealed the conformation order, will be bound by the bankruptcy court’s confirmation order discharging third party claims even though that order was unlawful.  These creditors will not be allowed to collaterally attack the confirmation order. 

On the other hand, creditors who did not receive notice of the case (and were not at least virtually represented by a guardian ad litem or by some similar method), should be free to pursue their claims since they could not be bound by the order or judgment because they did not receive due process.  Because of the limitation on collateral attacks, the decision in Perdue is unlikely to ignite a firestorm of litigation against parties who settled prior cases.

New Director Brings Disability Law Expertise and Lived Experience to Disability Law and Policy Program

Katherine Macfarlane, a leading expert on disability law, civil procedure and civil rights litigation, joined the College of Law last summer to lead the groundbreaking Disability Law and Policy (DLPP) program. The program was founded and led by Professor Emerita Arlene Kanter, who retired in June after 35 years of teaching.

Macfarlane’s disability law research and advocacy focus on reasonable accommodations in the workplace and higher education. Macfarlane is herself a person with disabilities. She has had rheumatoid arthritis, an autoimmune disease that causes joint deterioration and visual impairment, since childhood. Her lived experience with disability is one reason she’s excited to direct the DLPP program, she says.

Before joining the faculty as an associate professor last August, Macfarlane served as special counsel for disability rights in the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, an appointment supported by a grant from the Ford Foundation’s U.S. Disability Rights Program. She previously was an associate professor at Southern University Law Center and the University of Idaho College of Law. She also was an assistant corporation counsel in the New York City Law Department, where she served as lead counsel in federal civil rights actions and an associate in Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan’s Los Angeles and New York offices. After law school, she served as a law clerk for the District of Arizona and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

woman seated at table smiling

Katherine Macfarlane (Photo by Marilyn Hesler)

In addition to her disability law research, Macfarlane writes at the intersection of federal civil procedure and civil rights litigation. Her article about the modern implications of 42 U.S.C. § 1983, the landmark civil rights law originally passed as part of the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, has been cited twice by U.S. District Court Judge Carlton Reeves, most recently in Green v. Thomas, an order denying qualified immunity that received national media attention.

New DLPP Initiatives

Macfarlane appreciates that Kanter’s DLPP groundwork has provided an understanding of disability law and policies here.

“The University’s understanding of what it takes to support people with disabilities means I can jump right into the kind of programming I want to do. Things I might have had to fight for at other institutions are a given at Syracuse. That’s so refreshing.”

Through DLPP, Macfarlane wants to empower law students to see themselves as disability law scholars and future academics. She hopes to make this year’s inaugural student scholarship-focused symposium a yearly tradition and continue hosting discussions with cutting-edge disability law scholars and advocates. She plans to spotlight the novel disability law work being done by several law faculty. She will also continue to offer disability knowledge workshops and trainings to departments and faculty at Syracuse and around the country and wants to involve DLPP students in those efforts. She especially hopes to maintain the University’s reputation as a destination for law students interested in disability law and law students with disabilities.

“I want for us as a university to think beyond compliance and consider what it takes to continue to attract students and faculty who have disabilities—how to remain an institution where disabled individuals are supported and succeed,” she says. “That means we need to think through the experience of people with disabilities from the minute they arrive on campus and about how to streamline the process of obtaining a reasonable accommodation, for example. We need to ask how much time, money, and health insurance a person with disabilities is required to expend and how we can lessen those burdens. Our conversations should reach far beyond a discussion about accessible design and dive into the day-to-day experience of people with disabilities.”

Early Law Interest

Macfarlane lived in Canada and Italy in her youth and always wanted to go to law school. When she moved to the U.S., she was drawn to and inspired by U.S. civil rights movements and civil rights law. Congressman John Lewis is one of her heroes. Her disability law specialty came about later in her career.

“I have been disabled for as long as I can remember, but in law school, I was too self-conscious to identify with the disability community or focus on disability law,” she says. “Well into my twenties, I lived my medical experience in secret, hiding my constant procedures and chronic pain from even my closest friends. Finding the disability community and disability law has been pretty life-changing for me in that I can finally be myself. I became an expert in disability law because I had to in order to protect my own rights, but then I realized I loved this area of the law and the people doing this work, and I never left.”

People with disabilities are underrepresented in the practice of law and academia, Macfarlane says. “Not only is there a real need for people with disability law experience, there is also an absolute need for people with disabilities to go into this area of law. Having more disabled people in the practice of law is a readily attainable goal. But the spaces they work in have to be accessible, too, so law schools, courthouses and law firms have to constantly audit their physical spaces and their disability-related policies,” she says.

DLPP As Leverage

DLPP provides a forum to leverage both objectives, Macfarlane says. “I also love that I can expose students with disabilities to this area of law and advocacy and help give them the confidence to exist as a person with disabilities that I didn’t have myself as a law student. And this generation of law students makes me so excited! They understand what access requires. I’m very interested to see what this generation of young people do when they enter the practice of law or when they come into positions like mine.”

A focus on the specialty requires careful monitoring of litigation and Supreme Court decisions to guard against a decline in disability rights, Macfarlane says. She cites a recent attempt to narrow the Americans with Disabilities Act that could allow businesses to forego making their establishments accessible. She finds it concerning that some recent Supreme Court decisions may foreshadow a lowering of America’s commitment to disability rights as well.

That’s why the DLPP’s efforts are essential, Macfarlane says. “I’m always pitching DLPP to students. Disability law is a vital, cutting-edge area of law; it’s always changing. Many of us come to this specialty because we’re fired up about disability rights in our own lives. That’s why I’m so pleased to be here; it’s tremendous that a person with a disability is at the helm of this program.”

Second Edition of Disability Law and Policy Released for the Upcoming 34th Anniversary of the Americans With Disabilities Act

Burton Blatt Institute Chairman and University Professor Peter Blanck’s 2nd edition of “Disability Law and Policy” was released in honor of the 34th Anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). “Disability Law and Policy provides an overview of the themes and insights in disability law. It is a compelling compendium of stories about how our legal system has responded to the needs of impacted individuals.

The year 2025 marks the 35th anniversary of the ADA, celebrated on July 26. During the past three decades, disability law and policy have evolved dramatically in the United States and internationally. “Walls of inaccessibility, exclusion, segregation, and discrimination have been torn down, often brick by brick. But the work continues, many times led by advocates who have never known a world without the ADA and are now building on the efforts of those who came before them,” says Blanck, a professor at the College of Law.

Lex Frieden, an internationally distinguished disability rights scholar and advocate and former Chairperson of the U.S. National Council on Disability, writes in the Foreword to Blanck’s book: “In 1967, I survived a head-on car crash. When I woke up, I was paralyzed from the shoulders down. . . . My story is one of many in the modern disability rights movement. In ‘Disability Law and Policy,’ Peter Blanck retells my story, and the personal experiences of many others living with disabilities, in a master tour of the area. Peter is a world-renowned teacher, researcher, lawyer, and advocate. He has been central to the modern sea change in disability civil rights . . . ‘Disability Law and Policy’ should be read by all of us—people with the lived experience of disability and their advocates, parents, family members, and friends.”

Blanck says that “a new generation of people with disabilities, building on the efforts of Lex Frieden and many others, families, friends, advocates, and supporters, is stepping forward. As a guiding beacon, disability law and policy offer hope of a future in which all people, regardless of individual difference, will be welcomed as full and equal members of society.”

“Disability Law and Policy” is published by Foundation Press and is available from West Academic.

Professor Jack Graves Provides Comments on SEC’s Move Toward Allowing for the Trading of Ether EFTs

Professor Jack Graves spoke with Marketwatch for the article “SEC Moves Closer to Blessing Ether ETFs, Cheering Crypto Fans” regarding opening the door for trading of securities based on ether, a form of cryptocurrency. Many experts expect this to soon open the door to ether exchange-traded funds (EFTs.) This would be done through traditional investment methods rather than a crypto wallet.

Ether works a little differently from bitcoin, coin transactions are verified by a subset of the people who hold them. That may have made the SEC uncomfortable, said Graves.  “I think there have been concerns about potential control or manipulation,” he said.

Listen to Professor Graves’ interview here.